Press Freedom – Coconet https://coconet.social A Platform for Digital Rights Movement Building in the Asia-Pacific Wed, 31 Mar 2021 15:55:05 +0000 en-US hourly 1 https://wordpress.org/?v=5.8.1 https://coconet.social/wp-content/uploads/2019/07/favicon-150x150.png Press Freedom – Coconet https://coconet.social 32 32 #JournalismIsNotACrime: Stand with New Naratif against harassment of independent journalists https://coconet.social/2021/singapore-new-naratif/ https://coconet.social/2021/singapore-new-naratif/#respond Tue, 09 Mar 2021 02:38:38 +0000 https://coconet.social/?p=5091 Since July 2020, the independent news organisation New Naratif has been under attack by the Singaporean government in for allegedly breaking the Parliamentary Elections Act by boosting elections-related Facebook posts containing during the previous Singaporean election. New Naratif has stated that, "the Prime Minister’s Office is abusing the law to attack us as part of a long-standing campaign of intimidation and harassment".

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New Naratif

Poster and featured image by New Naratif.

 

Since July 2020, the independent news organisation New Naratif has been under attack by the Singaporean government in for allegedly breaking the Parliamentary Elections Act by boosting elections-related Facebook posts containing during the previous Singaporean election. New Naratif has stated that, “the Prime Minister’s Office is abusing the law to attack us as part of a long-standing campaign of intimidation and harassment”.

Dr. Thum Ping Tjin, New Naratif founder and managing director, has been detained twice by the police related to this case: the first time on September 21 last year and the second just this March 5. His laptop was confiscated after the first round of questioning, and the government has yet to return it.

For more information on the case against New Naratif, you can check out their website page detailing the timeline of events and its defence against the Singapore government’s claims. You can also follow New Naratif on their social media accounts for more timely updates.

Additionally, Coconet.social is republishing the statement by international civil society organisations demanding that the government drop the charges against New Naratif. The statement was first published on October 2, 2020. (Access the original statement here.)

 

[Joint Statement] Singapore: Drop police report against independent media outlet New Naratif

We, the undersigned civil society organizations, urge the government of Singapore to order the Elections Department (ELD) to immediately withdraw its police report against New Naratif, and to cease abusing the law to harass critical voices and independent journalists.

On 18 September 2020, Singapore’s Elections Department released a press statement in which it stated that it had filed a police report against the independent online media outlet New Naratif for “illegal conduct of election activity” for alleged publication of five paid advertisements on the social media platform Facebook, without the written authorization of a candidate or his election agent during the General Election of July 2020.

On 18 September, PJ Thum, New Naratif’s Founder and Managing Director, was notified that he would need to report to the police for questioning, and on 21 September he reported to Clementi Police Station, where he was subjected to questioning for four and a half hours. The police also accompanied him to his home and seized his laptop.

While the Elections Department’s statement does not specify which Facebook posts were allegedly illegally advertised, on 3 July it issued a statement in which it directed Facebook to “remove unauthorised paid Internet Election Advertising.” Following the statement, New Naratif received pro-forma emails from Facebook stating that the following posts did not comply with their advertising policy:

  • satirical video advertizing a perfume called “Discretion” to denounce the abuse of broadly-worded laws by Singapore’s Prime Minister;
  • a post compiling articles critical of the ruling People’s Action Party;
  • a post compiling articles about the lack of transparency and accountability in Singapore’s government;
  • video explaining how the use of the Protection from Online Falsehoods and Manipulation Act (POFMA) can “have devastating consequences” in times of elections; and
  • post compiling articles about racial discrimination in Singapore.

The posts remain online but according to New Naratif they did not re-boost them.

Under Section 83(2) of Singapore’s Parliamentary Elections Act (PEA), the conduct of any election activity requires prior written authority signed by a candidate or his election agent. Section 83(8) stipulates that “election activity” includes any activity “which is done for the purpose of promoting or procuring the electoral success at any election for one or more identifiable political parties, candidates or groups of candidates; or prejudicing the electoral prospects of other political parties, candidates or groups of candidates at the election.” Any person convicted of such offence may be liable to a fine of up to $2,000 and/or imprisonment for up to 12 months.

Under this provision the scope of what can amount to election activity is extremely broad. Virtually any act of information dissemination or awareness-raising relating to key issues of public interest conducted in the lead-up to or during an election can fall under the overbroad scope of “promoting electoral success” or “prejudicing electoral prospects,” and must therefore receive prior written authorization. The provision is so vague that it does not allow for individuals to be able to adequately predict what activity could fall foul of the law, while allowing the Elections Department to control, censor and potentially criminalize any political speech and discussion during the election period.

According to international human rights law, all restrictions on freedom of expression should be provided for by clear, detailed and well-defined laws; be imposed to serve a legitimate aim, namely to protect the rights and reputation of others, national security, public order, public health or public morals; and restrictions must be both necessary and proportionate to achieve the defined legitimate aim. The PEA does not meet these requirements.

The right to freedom of expression is crucial during elections, which should be guaranteed including through free media, freedom to discuss and debate public affairs, the right to hold peaceful assemblies and freedom of association, and to promulgate, receive and engage in a plurality of  political ideas and viewpoints through free, balanced and fair election campaigning and advertising.

Particularly within the context of Singapore, where the election campaign period often lasts only for days or a couple of weeks this provision allows for censuring of independent media outlets crucial to facilitate information and dialogue on key issues of public interest within a narrow period during which it is most pertinent to people in Singapore prior to the casting of their votes

Furthermore, the law is particularly problematic as the Elections Department is not an independent body but is part of the Prime Minister’s Office. This allows for discriminate advantage to be given by the ELD, which answers to the Prime Minister, to information, expression and opinions expressed in line with or favourable to the ruling party, rather than politically opposing viewpoints.

Our organizations are further concerned that the latest police report and police summons received by New Naratif follow a well-documented pattern of Singaporean authorities using vague and broadly-worded laws to unduly restrict the right to freedom of expression, and harass human rights defenders, independent journalists, members of the political opposition and ordinary individuals with a view towards deterring critical dissent of the government.

We therefore call on the Singapore authorities to:

  • Order the Elections Department to withdraw the police report against New Naratif;
  • Repeal or substantially amend all repressive laws that curtail the rights to freedom of expression, association and peaceful assembly, and put in place adequate legal mechanisms and procedures to ensure that these rights are enjoyed by all without discrimination and not subject to unlawful restrictions; and
  • End the intimidation and harassment of human rights defenders, including through the abuse of the legal system, and ensure they can pursue their human rights work without fear of reprisals in accordance with international human rights law.

 

 Signatories:

  1. Amnesty International
  2. Article 19
  3. ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights
  4. CIVICUS
  5. FORUM-ASIA
  6. Human Rights Watch
  7. Scholars at Risk

 

New Naratif: A movement for democracy, freedom of expression, and freedom of information in Southeast Asia. Learn more at newnaratif.com/hello.

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Statement: Finas Act must be reformed to protect freedom of expression https://coconet.social/2020/malaysia-finas-act-freedom-expression/ https://coconet.social/2020/malaysia-finas-act-freedom-expression/#respond Thu, 13 Aug 2020 00:00:37 +0000 https://coconet.social/?p=2220 We appeal to Finas to stay true to its role of “uplifting, nurturing and facilitating” the development of the Malaysian film industry, as stated in Section 6 (1) of the Finas Act, and not function against the interest of filmmakers. If Finas enforces regulations under the law to censor and penalise filmmakers, it will go against its own objective and purpose.

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The following statement is a republication of the June 27, 2020, statement by Malaysian civil society organisations (namely the Freedom Film Network and the Centre for Independent Journalism) on why the National Film Development Corporation Malaysia Act 1981 (also known as the Finas Act) must urgently be reformed to protect the rights to freedom of opinion and expression in the country.

Finas Act must be reformed to protect freedom of expression

24 July 2020

We, the undersigned organisations and individuals, welcome Communication and Multimedia Minister Saifuddin Abdullah’s pledge that the government will not be using the National Film Development Corporation Malaysia Act 1981 (Finas Act or Akta 244) to infringe on personal freedom on social media. This comes after his shocking statement in Parliament yesterday that all film production in Malaysia, be it by mainstream media broadcasting or personal social media, must have a filming license.

The minister has since affirmed that social media users will be free to produce and upload videos online without needing a license or being in fear of prosecution from the National Film Development Corporation Malaysia (Finas), the central government authority for the development of the local film industry. He iterated that there is a need for many of the laws under the purview of his ministry, including the Finas Act, to be reviewed and updated. He has also pledged to amend the Finas Act to keep with the times.

In that spirit, we would like to highlight some pertinent issues and related suggestions:

1. The licensing jurisdiction in the Finas Act needs to be clearly defined. Currently, the law could be interpreted to cover all forms of “film productions”; its definition of “films” includes feature films, short films, trailers, documentaries, moving images, films that have sound or do not and films that are meant for public viewing or otherwise. It is also silent on platforms so it could cover cinema, digital, public or private film production and screening. This means that “film production” could technically refer to a home-made video shot on a handphone to a multi-million ringgit movie production for cinema screening. The definition of “film production” will have to be amended and clearly defined to prevent the risk of the Finas Act being used arbitrarily depending on the “intentions” of the government.

2. There needs to be a clear justification of the purpose of licensing – for instance, for collecting data, planning or filmmaker funding purposes. These requirements should also be matched and limited to stated needs. The Finas Act’s current requirement for companies to have at least RM50,000 paid-up capital in order to qualify for a film or video production license has long caused anxiety and dissatisfaction among young and independent filmmakers making non-commercial films who do not have the financial requirements. This requirement will have to be removed from the law. Otherwise, it will result in a drop in the number and quality of films, including documentaries, and severely impact the growth of the film industry in Malaysia.

3. News production companies such as Al Jazeera should not fall under the purview of the Finas Act if they are already accredited as media by the Information Department. It is also noteworthy that any decision on the case of the Al Jazeera “Locked Up In Malaysia’s Lockdown” documentary will act as a precedent and has the potential for misuse as it could be used arbitrarily on any production, including those screened online, as long as it is deemed as questioning or being critical of the State. Furthermore, it has the potential to create a climate of fear and censorship among filmmakers and drive away international production and film companies from investing and setting up operations in Malaysia.

4. The licensing of films by Finas must not be used as a form of control and censorship. The recent reported remark by Zakaria Abdul Hamid, the chairperson of Finas, that all video recordings must have a license from his agency to ensure said video recordings do not “incite unrest or cause a public nuisance” is very telling of how Finas perceives its role. This is also clearly indicative of: (i) an overlap of roles between Finas, the Malaysian Communications and Multimedia Commission and the Film Censorship Board; (ii) a breach of the covenant of industry self-regulation under the Communications and Multimedia Act, and; (iii) a double layer of censorship and film content control.

We appeal to Finas to stay true to its role of “uplifting, nurturing and facilitating” the development of the Malaysian film industry, as stated in Section 6 (1) of the Finas Act, and not function against the interest of filmmakers. If Finas enforces regulations under the law to censor and penalise filmmakers, it will go against its own objective and purpose. It is imperative that Finas not allow itself to be used as a tool by the current regime to silence dissent and target media companies like Al Jazeera simply because their documentary places the State in an unfavourable light.

On the other hand, the Communications and Multimedia Minister must immediately uphold his pledge to amend the Finas Act to protect freedom of expression and media freedom. As key and invested stakeholders and allies, we are willing to engage in a dialogue with the minister in order to seek a sustainable roadmap to align our laws to protect the right of freedom of expression and public interest.

Issued by the Centre for Independent Journalism (CIJ) and Freedom Film Network (FFN)

Endorsed by the following organisations:

  1. EMPOWER Malaysia
  2. Gerakan Media Merdeka (Geramm)
  3. Global Bersih
  4. ENGAGE
  5. Engage Media
  6. Justice for Sisters
  7. Komuniti Filem Titiwangsa (Komfit)
  8. KRYSS Network
  9. Malaysian Documentary Association (MYDOCS)
  10. North-South Initiative (NSI)
  11. Our Journey
  12. Pangrok Sulap
  13. Persatuan Sahabat Wanita Selangor (PSWS)
  14. Pusat Komas
  15. ReformARTsi (An arts coalition comprising 117 members, of which 55 are from art groups or companies)
  16. Sabah Reform Initiative (SARI)
  17. Sisters in Islam (SIS)
  18. SUARA Community Filmmaking
  19. Taskforce Against Kaiduan Dam (TaKaD)
  20. The Instant Cafe Theatre Company

Endorsed by the following individuals:

  1. Amir Muhammad [Kuman Pictures Sdn Bhd]
  2. Azmyl Yunor [Artist and academician]
  3. Bea Tanaka [Producer]
  4. Hariati Azizan [Journalist]
  5. Iskander Azizuddin [Feisk Productions]
  6. Jerome Kugan
  7. Loo Hong Chuang [Academician]
  8. Nadira Ilana [Telan Bulan Films]
  9. Nandhita Solomon [Creative producer]
  10. Susan Lankester [Actor, producer and director, BWC Pictures]
  11. Yow Chong Lee [Filmmaker and academician]
About the Author/s

Huey Shin is a member of the Freedom Film Network in Malaysia. For media inquiries regarding the statement, contact Vinodh Pillai at [email protected].

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The Myanmar government is hiding the truth of Arakan conflicts https://coconet.social/2020/myanmar-internet-media-censorship/ https://coconet.social/2020/myanmar-internet-media-censorship/#comments Tue, 19 May 2020 09:36:23 +0000 https://coconet.social/?p=1387 The military strategy to fight the AA and other rebel groups in the country can be summarized into cutting off four key areas: recruitment, food, budget, and information. The fourth part, information, means to censor news and media about the Arakan conflicts.

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Rakhine Myanmar World Food Programme
In conflict-stricken Arakan, Myanmar, news and information are often censored by the state, such as in the case of the April 29 shooting of a World Food Programme truck. Photo by Development Media Group, used with permission.

On May 3, 2020, the Myanmar government restored internet access in Maungdaw township, one of Myanmar’s nine townships in Arakan (formally known as Rakhine State) and Chin State without internet access for almost a year. The reason, they reported, was due to more stability in the area. But in reality, the grounds for reinstalling the internet are different from the reported reason. In fact, the government and military are using the internet shutdown to monopolize information, thereby robbing people of the truth on Arakan conflicts.

For the government of Myanmar, there are two burning political issues in Arakan: the question of armed revolution by the Arakan Army (AA), which the government has declared a terrorist group, and the case of ethnic Rohingya Muslims, who the UN International Court of Justice said should be protected from genocide and military violence. The two issues are related to each other – the self-determination of the Arakan region must consider the group rights of Rohingya Muslims, while the group rights of Rohingya Muslims must also be compatible with the autonomy of the Arakan community.

Countering AA through information and media

The military strategy to fight the AA and other rebel groups in the country can be summarised into cutting them off in four key areas: recruitment, food, budget, and information. The first three parts of this strategy have resulted in tens of thousands of innocent civilians displaced and moved to internal refugee camps. A number of villages have also been burned down in order to separate rebels and local supporters. From December 2019 to mid-April 2020, the nongovernment organization Burma Monitor reported over 163,000 displacements, 366 deaths, 406 injuries, and 45 arrests in Arakan and Chin State alone.

The fourth part, information, means to censor news and media about the Arakan conflicts. To do this, the government has sued and continues to sue local and international media under different laws such as counter-terrorism and unlawful association. Among the media outfits sued were national organisations Voice of Myanmar and Khit-Thit Media, as well as local media like Narinjara and Development Media Group (DMG). On top of this, websites by the AA and local media remain blocked in the country, meaning audiences cannot access information on them through locally operated telecommunication channels.

Due to the lawsuits, domestic media no longer interview the AA to get their side of the story, which in turn has led to one-sided or biased news, and even government and military propaganda. Here are four prominent examples of this, all within April 2020.

Myanmar Media DMG Paletwa
Myanmar Media Global Light of Myanmar Paletwa

The April 29 shooting of a World Food Programme truck in Paletwa Town, Chin State was reported differently by national media (left) and state media. Whatever the truth is, it is alarming that the Arakan Army is automatically blamed without prior investigation, and the people in the conflict-stricken area not consulted.

On the morning of April 13, 2020, artillery shelling from the military’s Battalion No. 550 hit the Yangon-Sittwe Highway near the village of Kyauk-Sike, Ponnagyun township. Eight innocent civilians were killed and seven more were injured. This story was covered by a number of regional and international media like Reuters, Aljazeera, Radio Free Asia (RFA), and The Irrawaddy, which highlighted the event while also interviewing family members of the deceased. There was also evidence showing that the artillery and weapon marks were from Myanmar military products. However, the state media, especially military-owned ones like Myawaddy TV, reported there was no such event that day and that all news and information on it were fake and fabricated.

The second most prominent example is the April 20 killing of the World Health Organization (WHO) driver in Min-Bra Township, one of the conflict areas with no internet access, while carrying COVID-19 samples to be tested in Yangon. Both the government and the AA denied being behind the attack. Whatever the truth is, international media remained neutral in their coverage of the attack. But state media coverage and messaging to the local community concluded it was an AA attack, citing only statements from the government and military. The one-sided nature of the story has reportedly made the local people in Arakan angry and disappointed. Weeks later, the Myanmar government formed a committee to investigate the attack. The investigation is still ongoing, but based on previous statements, it is clear the commission will say it is an AA attack. In fact, presidential spokesperson U Zaw Htay already said even before the end of the investigation: “It (WHO car) was attacked by AA and we formed a committee to investigate it in order to fulfil the international demand”.

The third striking incident of the government’s monopolization of the truth is the April 21 killing of Arakan youth Kyaw Min Chey in May Lwan village, Min-Bra township. Government media like Global New Light of Myanmar and Myawaddy reported that an AA member (not a civilian), while on his motorbike, was killed after being caught with a Chinese-made grenade and a knife in a toolbox. But reports from RFA told the truth: After coming back from fishing, Kyaw Min Chay was killed by military soldiers at the entrance of his village, his mother a witness. After his death, the soldiers gave his family 150,000 MMK (or USD 104) as compensation, saying, “We are so sorry, and it is just usual thing happened in the time of war.” The family accepted the money because they were afraid of the soldiers.

The final and newest occurrence happened on April 29, when World Food Programme trucks were attacked while transporting food to Paletwa Town in Chin State. As usual, the government accused the AA, while the latter denied the claims. Paletwa is a mountainous and conflict-stricken area with no internet and media accessibility. Thus, only news by government media can reach it. As there remains a huge question of who to believe in this situation, it is all the more essential that non-government and international media be allowed to reach the area.

The arrest of the Nay Myo Lin (from Voice of Myanmar) shows that the Myanmar government has failed to take into account calls from various media freedom groups to protect journalists’ safety andfreedom of the press. IFJ urges the authorities to drop the case against Nay Myo Lin as the VOM was conducting a legitimate interview in response to a recently introduced ruling.

International Federation of Journalists

Monopolizing the news

These four examples have shown us how the government and military manipulate and monopolize news and information on conflicts in Arakan. Continuing to do so, however, can potentially escalate this conflict in the future. After all, the real motive of restoring the internet is less about the armed conflict or stability, and more about addressing international pressure, such as allowing the Rohingya Muslims’ voluntary repatriation. These efforts have since been suspended due to COVID-19 and the increasing number of cases in neighbouring Bangladesh. On top of that, the armed conflict in Arakan shows no sign of ceasing or reducing despite the AA’s declaration of a unilateral ceasefire till the end of May 2020 due to the pandemic. These recent decisions have led to criticism of Myanmar State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi, thought by most democratic Burmese and non-Burmese ethnic people to be a moderator or mediator between the two sides of the armed conflict. It is also clear that these events have led to more identity-based politics, like Burmese vs non-Burmese people.

Let me highlight three sentences from the book 1984 by English novelist George Orwell: “War is Peace”, “Freedom is Slavery”, and “Ignorance is Strength”. The Myanmar government and military, like the book’s Ministry of Truth, are trying to rob the truth in Arakan conflicts, thus making people “more fearful” and “less knowing”. As the local people in Arakan become more fearful, they become mute. As the people in Myanmar become less knowing, they become blind and deaf.

Covering up these atrocities in Arakan makes “Wrong into Right” and “Right into Wrong”.

About the Author

Kyaw Lynn is a postgraduate student majoring in Political Science at the University of Yangon in Myanmar. He is also the chairperson of his university’s Political Science Association and one of the founders of Amnesty Arakan Team.

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World Press Freedom Day: How can civil society support journalists? https://coconet.social/2020/press-freedom-civil-society/ https://coconet.social/2020/press-freedom-civil-society/#respond Sun, 03 May 2020 07:34:42 +0000 https://coconet.social/?p=1323 May 3 marks World Press Freedom Day, a day to commemorate the importance of freedom of the press. This year's theme, "journalism without fear or favour", is particularly apt considering the world today, when reporting on the coronavirus has become "the new scapegoat for media censorship".

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May 3 marks World Press Freedom Day, a day to commemorate the importance of freedom of the press.

This year’s theme, “journalism without fear or favour“, is particularly apt considering the world today, when reporting on the coronavirus has become “the new scapegoat for media censorship“. Around the world, journalists have gone missing or have been arrested for reporting on COVID-19 and government responses to the pandemic. On top of these events, journalists are also combatting the equally contagious infodemic and governments’ strategy of media capture to stifle editorial independence.

Despite new challenges in covering issues of public interest during the pandemic, journalists continue to persevere in reporting news that matters, without fear or favour, by adapting to the “new normal” through using more digital means to pursue leads and stories. They press on despite attacks on press freedom, harassment, scarce access to government information, and other challenges. With this, support and advocacy related to journalists and media freedom should be sustained during and after the pandemic.

In celebration of World Press Freedom Day, we shine the spotlight on the Coconet community’s journalists and media workers who are working in the Asia-Pacific.  We asked them to respond to one question, so that we in civil society can help them continue their work without fear or favour.

How can civil society support journalists to continue reporting without fear or favour, especially in the time of COVID-19?

Vicheika Kann, a journalist with Voice of America Cambodia and vice president of Cambodian Journalists Alliance, stresses the importance of advocating for journalists. “Civil society is a group of people who always stay behind journalists to report the sensitive stories without fear or favour. They have advocated for journalists rights and the truth for society. Especially the truth about COVID-19 epidemic.”

Zevonia Vieira, a journalist with Tafara.tl and president of the Timor-Leste Journalist Association, echoes Vicheika’s sentiments. Civil society, she says, should be “fighting against false or fake information about COVID-19 and defending human rights, especially the people affected by the coronavirus and during the lockdown.” In a separate interview, Zevonia also talks about her experience on the frontlines as a journalist and working parent.

Sanjib Chaudhary, editor of Global Voices Nepali Lingua: “Moral support from civil society, both offline and online, matters a lot to journalists to continue reporting without fear or favour. And especially support through social media channels like Twitter makes a difference.”

To illustrate his point, Sanjib points to the public outcry against the arrest of a Nepali official who was critical of the country’s prime minister. “Recently, during the lockdown imposed by the government due to COVID-19, I’ve noticed people supporting journalists, writers and opinion. Former secretary Bhim Upadhyay got a lot of support in social media users from all walks of life. His arrest caused an uproar throughout the country and he is now more vocal than ever.”

Thu Bui, a journalist with BBC News Vietnam : “In the time of critical crisis, like this pandemic, autocratic governments tend to issue more laws and regulations to control information, to restrict journalists’ activities in the name of national interest and saving lives. When a state of emergency is declared anywhere, it’s even harder for journalists to continue their cause of telling the truth.”

Unesco World Press Freedom Day Cartoon Zach
UNESCO partnered with Cartooning for Peace to create and share cartoons for World Press Freedom Day 2020. This cartoon is by Zach from the Philippines.

With COVID-19, such use of emergency powers to silence media is not uncommon. One such state of emergency is in Thailand, which critics say has resulted in a clamping down of free speech. Similar decrees have been used to arrest critics in Vietnam and Laos.

“One of the most important things that civil society can do to help journalists to fulfil their mission is to monitor the governments’ decisions, to question and challenge any ill intent from governments in keeping journalist from information, from the truth,” she adds.

Aie Balagtas See, an investigative journalist from the Philippines, echoes Bui’s call for civil society to “oppose moves that muzzle free press and free speech”. She adds: “Defend the press, stand with them. Especially each time fake news peddlers or autocrats attack them. A society is not free unless the press is truly free.”

Aie also says civil society can “donate or subscribe to newspapers or media outlets. Don’t let lack of advertisers kill legitimate media firms, and if you can, pay for the news you consume”. Because the internet allows us to access information without payment, particularly on social media, newsrooms around the world have been struggling with getting audiences to pay for their content.

Kathryn Raymundo, media specialist with Internews Philippines, also stresses the need to validate journalists, whether through protecting them or paying for the news. She writes: “The best way to support journalism is to validate their good work — share the stories that made an impact, news that mattered to me and my community. I value independent, quality reporting. I subscribe to news organizations and promote their innovation, especially those of the local news’.”

The COVID-19 pandemic has seen journalists around the globe collaborate on collective resources to better their coverage of the pandemic.

She adds: “Finally, I advocate for free expression and press freedom. Our journalists are the most curious, hardworking, and passionate people I know. I hope people realize how important journalism is in our society. Media help make sense of what is happening around us.

“For keeping us informed, thank you.”

Reporters Without Borders (RSF) ranked the degree of freedom available to journalists in 180 countries through the 2020 World Press Freedom Index. You may check out the rankings here. Learn more about World Press Freedom Day here.

About the Coconet Community

Coconet is a community of changemakers in the Asia-Pacific dedicated to digital rights movement building in the region. Among the members of the network are journalists from the region who continue reporting with fear or favour.

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